Immigration

2009 Failed States Index (and a map!)

Foreign Policy has again joined forces with the Fund for Peace to compile the 2009 Failed States Index and a wonderful accompanying interactive map of state fragility.


The Index, which ranks 177 states in order from most to least risk of failure, is premised upon 12 social, political, economic and military indicators of state cohesion and performance, and an alleged 30,000 publicly available sources. The 12 indicators are: (1) demographic pressures; (2) refugees/IDPs; (3) group grievance; (4) human flight; (5) uneven development; (6) economic decline; (7) delegitimation of the state; (8) public services; (9) human rights; (10) security apparatus; (11) factionalized elites; (12) and external intervention. The data used are collected from May-December of the preceding year (in this case 2008). More information pertaining to the methodology employed may be found here.


According to the 2009 Index, the ten most fragile states are: (1) Somalia; (2) Zimbabwe; (3) Sudan; (4) Chad; (5) the Congo; (6) Iraq; (7) Afghanistan; (8) Central African Republic; (9) Guinea; (10) and Pakistan. This marks only slight shifts from 2008. No longer included in the top ten is Cote d'Ivoire, which has moved from #8 to #.. well, it appears to be absent from the 2009 ranking! Curious. Guinea, which in 2008 was #11 has now moved up to #9. Beyond this unfortunate bunch, other discernible jumps are those of Kenya (#26 to #14), Georgia (#57 to #33), Iran (#49 to #38), and China's appearance in the top sixty, at #57. Naturally, Norway, followed by Finland and Sweden remain the most stable.

Can you please define 'win-win?'

Chinese officials constantly refer to their relations with African states as "win-win," implying some sort of profound reciprocity and mutual (economic, social) benefit (another favored catch phrase). While some Chinese firms in Africa certainly do serve to benefit the local economies, particularly insofar as infrastructure and (limited) employment are concerned, the catch is that they are in Africa. You don't hear much about African firms in China or an influx of African goods into the Chinese market, save with few exceptions (i.e. most recently Ugandan coffee).

It appears that times are growing to be even more difficult for African entrepreneurs seeking to make a profit in China. The most recent hurdle is a visa crackdown imposed by the Chinese government which has not only rendered doing business complicated, but has brought Guangzhou's Chocolate City - China's largest African population - to a breaking point:
The country’s faltering economy is putting the squeeze on “Little Africa,” or “Chocolate City,” as locals call it. Numbers are down and business is suffering. All-important visas are being denied or granted only for the short term. Africans who allow their visas to expire — and many do — are often imprisoned and forced to pay a hefty fine.

In January, the Chinese government announced a crackdown on foreigners living illegally in Guangzhou, and, according to interviews with more than two dozen Africans working in the city, the community is facing increased persecution at the hands of police.
Wonderful. So while Chinese entrepreneurs make money in Africa, Africans must seemingly bend over backwards and jump countless hurdles to do the same in China. Win-win? Really?

More on Chocolate City (Africans in China, that is...)

Earlier this week I posted on Evan Osnos' New Yorker piece documenting the mushrooming African population in parts of China ("African" used loosely here, of course. A large percentage of the population informing Osnos' piece is actually Nigerian). Following suit, the most recent issue of the China Monitor, a publication of the Centre for Chinese Studies at the University of Stellenbosch, is dedicated to precisely this subject matter. How delightful when things work in tandem like so!

Chocolate City: Africans in China

Despite pledges of "mutual benefit" and "win-win" cooperation on the part of Chinese government and business leaders, this current phase of Sino-African relations remains very much a one way street. We constantly hear about Chinese enterprises breaking into African markets and Chinese merchants migrating to various African states, but quite little about similar incidences going the other way. Even the China-Africa Business Council, a flagship of the UNDP, remains based in Beijing and has as its focus the grooming of Chinese businesses for entry into African markets, paying little heed to the prospects for African firms seeking to break into the Chinese market. 

There is, however, a growing population of Africans across China. In the most recent issue of The New Yorker, Evan Osnos writes about African merchants living in Guangzhou, in a part of town now referred to as "Chocolate City." You can read Osnos' piece here, and watch a narrated slideshow about the economic, social and religious life of African migrants in Guangzhou here.

More Noteworthy

Indonesia is facing what some may argue is the worst shortage of all: an alcohol shortage

Observations and tips on developing mobile phones for developing countries

A wonderful animated map of immigration to the U.S. between 1820- 2007, designed by a Northwestern grad (go Wildcats!):


Immigration to the US, 1820-2007 v2 from Ian Stevenson on Vimeo.

Chinatown, Paris.

I have entered that phase enjoyed by every grad student where there is suddenly a light at the end of the tunnel. Albeit quite dim, I am beginning to see the end to my dissertation writing. Thank goodness! To be fair, I'm greatly enjoying this project of thesis writing, as it's allowed me to immerse myself into the cultural and entrepreneurial practices of the overseas Chinese, and come to a greater understanding of issues of migration, identity, and small-scale entrepreneurism, among many others.

The chapter I'm currently working on is the framing chapter, attempting to situate Chinese migration to Africa in comparative perspective. It should come as no surprise that the Chinese are a widely dispersed group, with Chinatowns and ethnic enclaves all over the globe. This reality makes writing both easy and incredibly difficult. Writer's block aside, I am coming to grasp the pervasiveness of Chinese migrant communities. Even where no Chinatowns analogous to those in San Francisco or NYC exist, the Chinese presence cannot - and has not - been ignored.

Such is the case in Paris, where the first French-Chinese man is running for mayor of Paris' 13th district. About 20% of residents in the 13th arrondissement are of Asian origin, representing some 30, 000 people. Nationwide, there are an estimated half-million people of Asian decent. Paris' Chinatown is the biggest in all of Europe.

The 37 year-old Wu is seemingly running on a platform of "let the Asians be seen," calling in part for the building of Chinese gates similar to those that adorn Chinatown in San Francisco, such that "a visitor should know he is in Chinatown." Charming though this concern may be, my hunch is that delimiting Chinatown for Parisian tourists is about as far down the list of concerns as one can get. In a country of increasing multiculturalism the primary concern is with the persistence of the Asian identity and the maintenance of closely formed networked communities.

While fancy gates and overt signs of "Chineseness" aren't particularly necessary to accomplish such ends, they surely never hurt. Like many immigrant communities, the Chinese carry with them a strong sense of identity. Many continue to reside among their own people, with only minimal contact with the host society. They partake in cultural associations - recreational, political and/or cultural - which are often linked to organizations in Mainland China, and maintain close ties with family and friends in China. Such activities are typical of many overseas migrants, but are particularly unique among the Chinese in that they persist beyond the initial stages of migration.

In the Bay Area in California, for instance, many signs over banks, restaurants and other public services are now in Mandarin and English - this, in areas outside of San Francisco's Chinatown. The Chinese initially arrived in California in the 1850s and have held on to their identity since. Similar patterns can be observed across much of North America and Europe. France is the latest case in point.

Why do I bring this up? While it's far too early to speak of such developments in the African context, the Parisian case suggests that the Chinese presence in Africa may in the long-term alter the continent's identity and politics. The establishment of China City in Joburg, South Africa, is perhaps the first step en route to this reality. I am not here laying any normative claims on such developments, but am merely bringing them to the attention of those to whom this is of interest. The possibility of 'Chinatown, Africa' is yet another among many considerations in the puzzle that is China-in-Africa.

Global migration becoming hot button issue

The recent edition of The Economist has a fantastic special report on global migration, emphasizing many points particularly salient to South-South population movements. Third World migration has for a long time been ignored, but is quickly making its way into the spotlight as scholars and policymakers alike are beginning to recognize its potential developmental implications. 

According to some statistics, approximately 80% of China's inward FDI comes from its overseas migrants. Indeed, the PRC's central and local governments place particular emphasis on the role of overseas Chinese in developing the country's provinces. Similar policies apply in other developing countries, making the need to track and understand South-South migration that much more essential. 

A global trek to poor nations, from poorer ones

My interest in Chinese migration led me to two articles published in the NYTimes. In the first, Thomas Fuller tells us that cheap Chinese goods are improving livelihoods worldwide. Concerns over product safety such as those prevalent in the West are essentially moot in countries such as Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam where national purchasing power is generally low, and to own a cheap television or cooking utensil is alone a luxury. 

This is true not only in Asia, but in Africa as well: cheap Chinese goods are infiltrating markets from Kenya to South Africa and Zimbabwe. While the quality of these goods is much like the price (low) and the ramifications on local industries remains somewhat dubious, there is an upside. Indeed, the influx of such goods is increasing the purchasing power of citizens all over Africa. More than that, it is connecting them to a world beyond their own. With Western and domestic products becoming increasingly too expensive, chances are high that cheap Chinese goods will continue to dominate markets across Asia and Africa - perhaps even long after citizens will be able to afford something better. 

Related to this phenomenon is a piece by Jason DeParle telling us that there are an estimated 74 million 'south-south' migrants making the trek from "poorer to poor" countries. Though his article focuses primarily on the Dominican Republic, it speaks of a much wider phenomenon - one of which contemporary Sino-African relations form a significant part. Indeed, once one looks beyond China's 'oil-for-aid' diplomacy and its pursuit of resources, the China-in-Africa phenomenon is analogous to what DeParle describes: Chinese migrants seeking jobs and better wages; some coming for seasonal work, and others putting down roots.